Ukraine Reflections: Pacifism, Violence, and Nonviolent Resistance
by Bryan Carey
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has sparked significant reflection and questions about the merits of nonviolent civil resistance in the face of massive violence, injustice, and war.1 Is nonviolent action a viable response when tanks are rolling in or authoritarian rulers threaten people with prison for speaking out? Is it possible to combine nonviolent action with armed resistance? Questions like these are playing out before our eyes as Ukrainians heroically defend their land against Russian aggression using both armed and nonviolent resistance strategies. For those who follow Jesus, many are asking themselves, what is a faithful response?
The reality of conflict, violence, injustice, and war require us to form robust Christian theologies that help us grapple with how we are called to follow Jesus when violence and injustice abound. These realities also challenge us to begin developing peacebuilding skills and competencies now, before conflict erupts. In the following, we will quickly address:
The problematic oversimplification of making nonviolence and pacifism moral and spiritual absolutes;
The viability, power, and necessity of nonviolence; and
The challenge and practical takeaways for us, especially for Christians.
Problems with pacifism and nonviolence as moral or spiritual absolutes
There is credible evidence that nonviolence may be better suited than violence for resisting enemy invasion and occupation.2 However, I often see a tendency among some advocates of absolute nonviolence or Christian pacifism to make nonviolence into a moral and spiritual absolute. At times, complete pacifism is emphasized as the high-road that “real” Jesus-followers must always take. Unfortunately, oversimplifications of such a complex topic can result in significant backlash from those outside of the pacifist community, such as a quick dismissal of nonviolent action as a creditable response to violence. Even worse, such an emphasis on absolute nonviolence and pacifism in the face of direct and ongoing aggression like Russia’s against Ukraine could be interpreted as providing tacit support for the violence of the aggressor, for the status quo of injustice, and for passive submission to the domination of the powerful.
I live in Sarajevo, which was under siege for three years and 11 months from 1992-1996. I have the remarkable privilege to learn from the experiences and wisdom of peacebuilders who survived the longest siege of a capital city in the history of modern warfare, suffered in concentration camps, fled war as refugees, lost numerous family members to ethnic cleansing, and fought on the front lines of war. I have yet to find a Bosnian peacemaker who readily advocates for either of the two main opposing theoretical responses to war we hear about today – just war and pacifism. Instead, when Bosnians were caught in the crossfire, in the “fog of war” when ethnic cleansing and rumors of ethnic cleansing against civilian populations were a reality, people simply tried to self-organize to cope with the realities of violence and horrible conditions, just like what we see happening in Ukraine.3
CNN’s Christiane Amanpour analyzed the latest events related to Ukraine and their resistance to the Russian invasion where she compared it to the siege of Sarajevo.
The difference I have experienced between people who view violence from afar and those who personally experience the reality of war is that the latter do not tend to moralize or absolutize their choices when responding in extreme situations.4 Some refused to take up arms against others; some resisted or worked nonviolently; still others felt compelled (at times as their moral responsibility) to stand in the way of violence and ethnic cleansing by taking up arms. George Lakey, an activist in direct action campaigns for over six decades, writes,
I’ve realized that in threatening situations, as well as the larger confrontations we get into with direct action, there is a chance that I might have gained tactical victories with violence. I also knew there was a chance that I could have won with nonviolence. I’ve believed the odds are better with nonviolence, and there’s lots of evidence on my side, but who knows for sure in any given situation?
George Lakey, “The dangerous assumption that violence keeps us safe”
In a case like Bosnia & Herzegovina, where ethnic cleansing and genocide occurred both at the beginning and end of the war, who is to say that those under assault must not resist violently against their aggressors? Ultimately, moralizing or absolutizing about nonviolence in extreme, violent, and chaotic situations feels to me morally suspect and even repugnant. For those like myself who believe in principled nonviolence5 and advocate for widespread peacebuilding and nonviolent activism training, I believe we would do better to have more humility about moral or absolute claims for people who are under threat, experiencing injustice, or being attacked. Instead, we must do the hard work to train in nonviolence, de-escalation, and peacebuilding skills, as well as work for understanding and justice, before, during, and after conflict erupts – for, when truly embraced as a communal strategy, without mixing violence and nonviolence, the power of nonviolent resistance is extraordinary.6
The effectiveness of nonviolence in Ukraine
Ukrainians have not been caught by surprise by this invasion, and the preparation to resist Russian invasion and occupation nonviolently should inspire us to take nonviolent resistance training more seriously, no matter where we live in the world.
Ukrainians began organizing nonviolently in the 2013-14 resistance to the corrupt Russia-backed Victor Yanukovych regime. “While violence was eye candy for the television networks, it was the exception and not the rule in the 88-day struggle that placed Ukraine back on the road to genuine democracy. From the start of the [Euromaiden uprising] in Kiev on November 24, 2013 until the [Revolution of Dignity when] Yanukovych fled the capital on February 21, 2014, Ukrainians were continually using an impressive array of nonviolent tactics that brought the government to its knees.”7 Peter Levine reports that “Ukraine may have the largest number of highly experienced nonviolent civil resisters in the world, thanks to the successful Revolution of Dignity (2014), which is pervasively and eloquently memorialized in the parts of the country that I have visited.”8
After Russia’s 2014 takeover and annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, the Kiev International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) conducted a representative national survey to determine the hypothetical willingness of civilians to join a nonviolent resistance movement against foreign occupation. Dr. Maciej Bartkowski summarizes those findings in his pre-war December 2021 article, “Ukrainians vs. Putin: Potential for Nonviolent Civilian-based Defense.” Bartkowski concludes his analysis with several emphases including: 1) Putin is making a massive miscalculation if he thinks that Ukrainians would rather go home and do nothing in the face of military aggression; 2) many Ukrainians view unarmed defense and resistance of the civilian population not only as a plausible alternative that can better protect the population and minimize human costs of violent conflict, but also as a way to achieve victory against a militarily stronger opponent; and 3) successful anti-occupation struggles are always a whole-of-nation endeavor, for which Ukrainians show a surprising level of support and which will determine the survival and future of Ukraine’s democracy.
Until now, the level of nonviolent mobilization in Ukraine seems to exceed the expectations of the outside world. From the beginning of Russia’s invasion, the Ukrainian road company has encouraged people to remove road signs to confuse the invaders. This video emerged from Russian-occupied Kherson, and Tufts University professor Oxana Shevel started this thread about lessons from the Ukrainian city of Berdyansk that’s been “liberated” by Russia and where angry residents gather at city hall telling them to go away: “Russian ‘control’ of localities where their hardware enters is not real control.” Another video shows a scuffle between civilians holding a Ukrainian flag and Russian soldiers near Energodar, while another shows everyday Ukrainian citizens blocking the road into Energodar, which contains Europe’s largest nuclear power plant. Zaporizhzhia Oblast residents are seen blocking the path of a Russian T-90A tank and forcing it to turn around. Twitter user Rob Lee’s thread of videos depicts other Ukrainian civilians successfully blocking Russian troops, showing Ukrainians’ courage and Russian soldiers’ reluctance to kill. Ukrainians are confronting troops with boos, chants and verbal tirades.
Additionally, Ukraine is doing everything possible to destroy the morale of occupying Russian forces, including offering money and amnesty to anyone who deserts from the Russian army. Civilians are confronting soldiers to destroy their morale and incite defections. Indeed, captured Russian soldiers themselves are testifying about the lies they were told before invading Ukraine and encouraging other Russians to defect. Zelensky addressed the Russian people in their own language, telling them to resist as well. Ukraine’s ambassador to the United Nations, Sergiy Kyslytsya, read aloud a text message exchange between a Russian soldier in Ukraine and his mother before he was killed. “Mama, I am in Ukraine. There is a real war raging here. I am afraid. We are bombing all of the cities together, even targeting civilians. We were told that they would welcome us, and instead they are falling under our armored vehicles, throwing themselves under the wheels and not allowing us to pass. They call us fascists. Mama this is so hard.” Kyslytsya’s framing of the death of this Russian soldier as a tragedy and expressing grief at how Putin is harming both Ukrainians and Russians invites Russian civilians to help end the violence and creates a basis for solidarity among the people.
The necessity of nonviolence in Russia
Unfortunately, nonviolent action is not enough for populations when their backs are against a wall. Significant movement from within Russia is needed to stop the violence, as well. In spite of the alternative reality presented by Russian state media, the Russia-wide anarchist network Autonomous Action issued a call to action, “Spring Is Coming: Take to the Streets against the War.” According to OVD-Info, an independent Russian human rights media project aimed at combating political persecution, 14,910 detentions occurred at anti-war activities in Russia, from February 24 until this publication. Although Russia is actively working to stifle anti-war protests in Russia, these protests seem to be sustained and potentially growing with many watching to see whether they can make a difference. Numerous public figures, hundreds of Russian scientists, and over 150 religious clerics have expressed opposition to the war already. Within Russia there are even reports of small gestures of resistance among the public, like this woman wearing the colors of the Ukrainian flag in the Moscow metro.
Since I am based in the Balkans, I am connected personally and through friends to both Ukrainian and Russian Protestant Christians, with many Ukrainians asking Russian Christians, “Where are your Bonhoeffers, where are your Barths?” In an open letter, hundreds of Russian pastors wrote, “The time has come when each of us must call things by their real names, while we still have a chance to escape punishment from above, and prevent the collapse of our country. We call on the authorities of our country to stop this senseless bloodshed!”9 In an open letter from 11 Eastern European seminaries, including two unnamed Russian seminaries, seminary leaders condemn the violence against Ukraine and call out “Putin’s cynical lies” about genocide in Ukraine’s east. In Russia, the Secretary General of the Russian Evangelical Alliance, Vitaly Vlasenko, rejected Russia’s war effort and expressed support for the declaration of the Ukraine Council of Churches, which had written to Vladimir Putin saying “aggressive war is a great crime against the Almighty God.” Russia has since blocked Facebook and other websites and passed a law that imposes a prison term of up to 15 years for spreading intentionally “fake” news about the military. Now courageous Russians, Protestant or otherwise, now face the threat of being beaten by police or sentenced to jail time for speaking out.
Practical takeaways
What does all of this mean for us, as Western Christians and Jesus-followers?
As we watch the conflict unfold in Ukraine, we should take the examples of Ukrainian and Russian nonviolent activists seriously. As a Christian who believes that shalom and shalom-building are the very mission and vision of God, I implore Christians especially to wrestle with what following Jesus in our divided societies looks like and to center peacebuilding in our discipleship formation work, teaching and preaching, prayer and service, and public relations with other groups around us. In addition to generously supporting Ukraine relief efforts, here are some practical takeaways:
Support nonviolent actions in Ukraine and beyond by paying attention to and sharing stories about nonviolence. This is very simple. Share the stories of those who are risking their lives in nonviolent protest, as detailed above in numerous links. Read articles about nonviolence and share them. We must all work to normalize nonviolent actions as a valid and powerful strategy.
Train for nonviolence and peacebuilding now. Just like Ukrainians, who have been preparing for nonviolent resistance for at least eight years, we must train in nonviolent conflict transformation techniques during times of relative ‘peace’ in order to be prepared for future conflict. This is just as true for interpersonal and communal conflict. Especially for Christians and the Church, we are called to participate in God’s shalom-building mission, so we need to get started with our discipleship – formation for shalom-building – now. As churches and individual Christians, start learning about conflict transformation and peacebuilding theory and skills now in your congregations.
Oppose injustice and violence, especially our own. If we would honor the courage and sacrifice especially of Russian nonviolent activists, then we have to follow their example, showing insight and self-criticism into the ways that our own societies can intentionally blind us to injustice perpetrated in our name. The injustice in Ukraine is shocking because it is direct violence, yet injustices and structural violence persist within Western societies and are perpetuated by the West in other parts of the world. The more that we can maintain a posture of self-criticism and live in solidarity with those on the margins, the more we can identify and combat injustice to sustainably strengthen our societies, ultimately increasing global democratic solidarity and participating in God’s mission to build shalom.10
Footnotes:
See Thomas Reese, Catholic theologians question the morality of Ukraine’s violent resistance, and John Amble, the editorial director of the Modern War Institute at West Point and a veteran of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, “The Two Debates in Military Circles the War in Ukraine Could Help Settle”
See George Lakey’s “The dangerous assumption that violence keeps us safe,” Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan’s Why Civil Resistance Works, and for an incredible analysis of the effectiveness of nonviolent resistance against Nazis in WWII, see Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers, 254-255.
Even the Ukrainian Pacifist Movement advocates for the “human right to conscientious objection to military service” and promotes “nonviolent resistance to war,” with less moralizing and absolutizing about their claims. See also, “War Is Forcing Ukrainian Leftists to Make Difficult Decisions About Violence”
See, Kazu Haga’s “Why the moral argument for nonviolence matters,” which references Bernard Lafayette, co-author of the Kingian Nonviolence curriculum and a legend of the civil rights era, whom I had the privilege to study with briefly while getting my Masters.
See: Goerge Lakey’s “Ukraine doesn’t need to match Russia’s military might to defend against invasion” and “The dangerous assumption that violence keeps us safe”; Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan’s Why Civil Resistance Works; Walter Wink’s Engaging the Powers; Alexandre Christoyannopoulos’s “Ukraine: nonviolent resistance is a brave and often effective response to aggression”
Jack DuVall, Peter Ackerman, Maciej Bartkowski, “Ukraine: a nonviolent victory”
Peter Levine, “prospects for nonviolent resistance in Ukraine and in Russia”
The letter originally appeared here and here, but has since been removed.
Read War in Ukraine: Ten Lessons from Syria to learn about how the experiences of Syrian exiles can inform our understanding of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.